H.B. 351, Opt-Out of Order on White House Rural Council — Rep. Ivory

rural-utah-slider

After a long, work-induced hiatus from blogging, Utah Political Summary returns today with some brief commentary on H.B. 351, a bill sponsored by Representative Ken Ivory.

H.B. 351 is part of our legislature’s ongoing effort to step federal government meddling in local government by preemptive state meddling in local government.  Specifically, it’s a response to Executive Order 13575 (“EO13575″), which was issued by President Obama last June and creates a White House Rural Council (“WHRC”) to “enhance Federal engagement with rural communities.”

EO13575

The WHRC would be chaired by a representative of the Department of Agriculture, comprised of a representative of every other federal department, and tasked with the mission of “coordinat[ing] development of policy recommendations to promote economic prosperity and quality of life in rural America,” and “coordinate[ing] [the Obama] Administration’s engagement with rural communities.”

Specifically, the WHRC will:

  • Make recommendations to President Obama on how to streamline and leverage the impact of federal investment dollars in rural communities;
  • Coordinate and increase the effectiveness of federal engagement with rural America’s stakeholders; and
  • Identify and facilitate rural energy development, outdoor recreation and conservation-related opportunities.

On its face, EO13575 appears to be nothing more than an attempt to coordinate efforts across departments, to make the administration’s “rural policy” more cohesive and effective.

But it’s got Representative Ivory up in arms.  In fact, he refers to it on his Facebook page as an order creating “White House zoning and planning authority over all ‘rural America.’”  So he’s crafted H.B. 351 — a legislative response consistent with his apparent alarm.

H.B. 351

Representative Ivory’s bill, which was passed out of committee on February 27, 2012, would require any “department or agency of the state” that wants to implement a “directive” of the White House Rural Council created by EO13575, to file a report to the legislature’s Natural Resources, Agriculture, and Environment Interim Committee containing the following information:

(3) (a) The report required under Subsection (1)(a) shall include:

(i) the directive from the White House Rural Council; and

(ii) a description of:

(A) the requirements imposed by the directive and how the agency would implement the directive;

(B) the effect of implementing or not implementing the directive;

(C) the cost to the state or its citizens of implementing the directive; and

(D) the consequences to the state if the state does not comply with the directive.

(b) The report required under Subsection (1) may include an analysis by the agency or department that addresses whether a directive from the White House Rural Council:

(i) affects the distribution of power and responsibility among the state and national government;

(ii) limits the policymaking discretion of the state;

(iii) impacts a power or a right reserved to the state or its citizens by the Ninth or Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution; or

(iv) impacts the sovereignty rights and interest of the state or a political subdivision to provide for the health, safety, and welfare of, and to promote the prosperity of, the state’s or the political subdivision’s citizens.

The required report is designed to give the legislature an opportunity to legislate in opposition to the “directive,” if it so chooses.  In fact, after receiving the report from the “department or agency of the state,” the Natural Resources, Agriculture, and Environment Interim Committee can recommend to the legislature that it enact legislation that either specifically authorizes or prohibits compliance with the “directive.”

The supreme irony in the whole situation?  Representative Ivory’s bill would be codified  at Utah Code Ann. 63M-1-1607 et seq., as part of Utah’s already existing Rural Development Program, which is operated out of the Governor’s Office of Economic Development through the Office of Rural Development, which in conjunction with the Rural Coordinating Committee, provides support to the Governor’s Rural Partnership Board.

And the mission of the state’s Rural Development Program?  Here’s a bulleted list:

  • Facilitate within the Governor’s Office of Economic Development implementation of the strategic plan;
  • Work to enhance the capacity of the Governor’s Office of Economic Development to address rural economic development, planning, and leadership training challenges and opportunities by establishing partnerships and positive working relationships with appropriate public and private sector entities, individuals, and institutions;
  • Work with the Rural Coordinating Committee to coordinate and focus available resources in ways that address the economic development, planning, and leadership training challenges and priorities in rural Utah; and
  • Coordinate relations between the state, rural governments, public/private groups engaged in rural economic planning and development, and federal agencies.

Some Thoughts

I think it’s pretty clear that Representative Ivory sees the White House Rural Council as another front on the war over western state lands.  Perhaps it is.  I don’t know.  But there’s nothing in EO13575 or the duties set out for the WHRC authorizing it to make “directives” to local governments, and certainly nothing in it that authorizes it to engage in nationwide zoning.

President Obama, like other Presidents before him, undoubtedly has a “plan” for rural America, and will go about implementing his “plan” in whatever way he can, including, presumably, by conditioning the receipt of federal funds on local governments implementing plan objectives.  But it’s questionable whether such “incentives” can fairly be characterized as “directives.”  Thus, to have any effect, it appears that Representative Ivory’s bill would require all “departments or agencies of the state,” any time they want to implement a suggestion or recommendation originating from the WHRC, to first create a burdensome report for the state legislature.  This is turf-war level of micromanagement that would do the most overreaching federal agency proud.

Now, Representative Ivory may believe that the Constitution grants the state exclusive authority to make recommendations to local governments and rural America.  After all, Article II of the Constitution is pretty sparse . . . .  But at some point, he, and the other members of the Utah GOP’s club of constitutional crusaders need to contemplate the extent to which their near myopic obsession over their own version of constitutional federalism is turning them is seriously undermining their core conservative governing principles.

If President Obama issues an order emanating from the WHRC that unconstitutionally dictates to rural Utahns what they may or may not do, then legislate against it or fight it in court as appropriate.  But why borrow trouble and micromanage just out of antipathy toward one particular administration?  President Obama will eventually leave office, the WHRC he created will be dissolved, and a Republican will be elected President again . . . but legislation persists.  H.B. 351 is unnecessary, misguided, and not worth our legislature’s time.

Paul Rolly’s Ridiculous Hit Piece on Judge Dee Benson

Today I wanted to comment on an unfortunate and irresponsible article by Paul Rolly, an opinion columnist for the Salt Lake Tribune that I normally enjoy reading.  Rolly’s article is titled, “The Two Faces of Judge Dee Benson” and compares Judge Benson, a former United States Attorney for the District of Utah and current Federal District Court judge of 21 years to Mitt Romney (and his flip-flopping) based almost exclusively on Judge Benson’s differential sentencing in two recent cases.

What’s the problem, you ask?  Well, in the game of electoral politics, flip-flopping is opportunism; in the world of judicial sentencing, it’s potentially impeachable misconduct.

The first case used by Rolly is the case of environmental activist Tim DeChristopher, who Judge Benson sentenced to two years in federal prison for sabotaging an oil lease auction by placing fraudulent bids and subsequently open urged his supporters to disobey the law.  The second was the case of Matthew Dahl, the former director of This is the Place Heritage Park, who embezzled $321,000 from the park and who Judge Benson sentenced to six months in prison.

Here’s a relevant snippet from the article:

When Jon Huntsman still was in the Republican presidential race, his campaign ran a TV ad featuring a wind-up toy monkey that did back flips to dramatize Mitt Romney’s notorious flip-flopping on major issues.

That flip-flopping monkey could have a cousin named Judge Dee Benson.

Benson, a U.S. District judge for Utah, caught my attention once again this week when he sentenced former This Is the Place Heritage Park Director Matthew Dahl to six months in prison for stealing $321,000 in park funds. Prosecutors had recommended up to 33 months in prison, but Benson noted Dahl, who comes from a strong Republican, LDS family, was a first-time offender convicted of a nonviolent crime.

Flip.

Bogus oil and gas lease bidder Tim DeChristopher, who does not come from a strong Republican, LDS family and who, instead, became a champion of the liberals, was also a first-time offender convicted of a nonviolent crime. But Benson gave him two years in federal prison because he kept talking publicly about his environmental cause while he was awaiting sentencing.

Flop.

I’ll admit that I don’t know many of the details of these cases, but neither (I suspect) does Rolly.  In fact, I think it’s safe to say that no one does aside from those actively involved in the prosecution and the defense.  But his limited perspective on things didn’t stop Rolly from putting out his story, which is that Judge Benson discriminates favorably in sentencing when the convicted offender is white, Republican, and/or LDS, and discriminates unfavorably in sentencing when the convicted offender is a racial minority, a Democrat, and/or is not a member of the LDS Church.

Now, I don’t like to see white collar criminals get off easy simply because they show up to court in a nice suit with great looking family in tow.  But I don’t know the extent to which the circumstances of Dahl’s case counseled against imposing a harsh sentence.  I’ve already given my thoughts on the DeChristopher sentence, which I view as a somewhat harsh, but warranted.

I strongly suspect that if the sentences were reversed — that is, if DeChristopher got probation while Dahl was given, say, 4 years — we wouldn’t be hearing a peep from Rolly about flip-flopping.  Why?  Because I’m sure that Rolly would then assume that the differing sentences were reasonable, given what he sees as the meaningful distinctions between the two cases.

But, when the sentences run contrary to his own sensibilities, Rolly dashes off an irresponsible hit piece alleging judicial misconduct — an impulsive, irresponsible strategy that would do Newt Gingrich proud.

All Rolly’s piece does is contribute to an attribute of distrust and suspicion regarding the American judicial system.  Judges are placed in the very difficult position of determining the rights and fates of the individuals who appear before them.  They are presented with complex arguments carefully drafted by smart, intelligent, motivated, and persuasive advocates on both sides of the case.  In many cases, one, or both, parties who appear before them aren’t telling them the truth.  They are bound by countless complicated legal rules, and they are forced to become experts on all of them, based on the substance of the case at hand.  Sometimes there are relevant facts they can’t consider in making their rulings.  Other times they are forced to base their rulings on a fact that seem entirely irrelevant to the case at hand.  And half the people who appear before them are guaranteed to lose every time.

In the vast majority of cases, our judges get it right.  But if they ever miss one (which, I understand, does have major effects on the person whose rights are negatively affected — and I can’t say whether Judge Benson missed one in the Dahl case) we’re often not willing to give them the benefit of the doubt, but immediately attribute the worst motives to them, accusing them of misconduct, fraud, or even treason.  And then we wonder at the fact that neither side in a political debate trusts the judiciary, and we shake our heads in amazement when the Utah legislature denies a qualified, distinguished, near-universally admired judge a place on our appellate courts because they disagreed with one of his rulings.

It’s a good thing that our judges are protected from political retribution for their sentences, because, if they weren’t, retribution would, it seems, be all too quick in coming.  Judge Benson is a distinguished judge who has served this state well in multiple capacities.  I suspect he would be the first to admit that he’s probably gotten a few decisions wrong in his 21 years.  But that doesn’t mean he sentences on race, religion, or political affiliation.  And it’s unfortunate that Rolly believes it’s OK to claim that he does.